OSG Press Release No. 43
July 2006-2007

Human Right Abuses in Ethiopia

Inquiry finds Ethiopian government guilty of killings in 2005: Prime Minister Meles Zenawi ordered commission to alter report

The US Stated Department country report for Ethiopia in 2006 reported that the Ethiopian government’s commission of enquiry into the violence used to quell protests in June and November 2005 following the May elections ‘found that 193 civilians – nearly four times the number originally reported by the government – and 6 members of the security forces were killed, while 763 civilians and 71 members of the security forces were injured, many seriously. The commission also found that security forces did not use excessive force, given demonstration violence; however, prior to release of the report, the chairman and deputy chairman of the commission fled the country, allegedly in response to threats made against them by government forces. After fleeing, both stated publicly and showed video evidence that at an official meeting in June, the commission had originally decided, by a vote of eight to two, that excessive force was used and that the number of killed and injured was the same as eventually reported.’

The chairman of the Inquiry Commission, SNNPR Supreme Court Judge Frehiwot Samuel, reported to US Congress on 16 November 2006 that most of those chosen to work on the commission had declined to do so. The ten who remained interviewed over 1300 witnesses over several months.

Congressman Donald Payne, who organised the congressional briefing and who chairs the sub-committee on Africa, reported that the Ethiopian parliament was adjourned one day before the commission was to present its findings as part of a deliberate plan to force them to alter their conclusions. A senior Ethiopian government official told Congressman Payne in August that the commission’s work was not finished, but the commission’s chairman and his deputy, following repeated threats and harassment, had fled Ethiopia along with the full report. They took the report so that eye-witnesses, ‘who risked their lives and testified’ were not exposed to further danger.

Judge Frehiwot Samuel presented the commission’s findings to congress. The Inquiry Commission was mandated by Ethiopian parliament to answer three questions;

a) Has the law been violated?

b) Has property been destroyed?

c) Has the government used excessive force during the June and November killings?

Throughout the process, Judge Frehiwot Samuel and his deputy, Judge Wolde-Michael Meshesha, were receiving phone calls from government officials warning them that caution must be taken to ensure the final report did not ‘tarnish the image’ of the government.

Judge Frehiwot said ‘There were daily phone calls and face-to-face discussions to influence us. As the chairperson, I was personally told to do all my best to reconsider the figures of the people killed’.

Commission members were promised lavish rewards if their findings were ‘in tune’ with government requests and Judge Frehiwot was frequently asked to comment on the disposition of each member of the commission. Despite these pressures, the commission agreed by a vote of eight to two;

a) There was no property destroyed.

b) There was not a single protestor who was armed with a gun or a hand-grenade [government-controlled media reported some protestors were armed with guns and bombs].

c) The commission members agreed that the shots fired by government forces were not to disperse the crowd of protestors but to kill by targeting the head and chest of the protestor. For this reason, it was clear that the law was violated, and government forces had used excessive force.

Judge Frehiwot had told Congress earlier that ‘old men were killed in their homes and children were also victims of attack while playing in the garden’.

The day after the Inquiry Commission made their decision, two government officials, Hailemariam Desalegne and Wondimu Gezehegne, phoned Judge Frehiwot to pressurise the commission to change its findings. He reported that the Prime Minister’s special advisor, Hailemariam Desalegne, in particular ‘warned me that the outcome of the investigation should not embarrass the government’.

Commission members were then ordered from Awassa to attend the Prime Minister in Addis Ababa in person. Meles Zenawi asked the commission members to amend their final report. For two hours, he lectured them on how the law should be interpreted and ordered them to ‘come with another report’, ‘using the Gambella Inquiry Commission as a good example’, after the long parliamentary recess.

Judge Frehiwot, however, announced the findings of the report to some MPs. Some members of the commission suggested that the report should be burned.

After Judge Frehiwot fled the country, Dr Mekonnen Dissassa was appointed acting chairman. He and Shiferaw Jarso leaked the findings to other MPs and Dr Gemechu Megersa presented the ‘final report’, admitting no use of excessive force, to parliament. Dissassa declined an offer by Voice Of America-Amharic service to comment on the congressional hearing.

The Reporter reflected official government opinion, reporting on 25 March that 61 had been killed, from ‘gunshots, knives, clubs and bombs’, 221 had been arrested and property worth 4.75 m. Birr had been destroyed. [The State Dept. reported 30-50,000 detentions, and Judge Teshale Aberra, 80,000 (p. 12). No property was destroyed according to the Commission of Inquiry.]

Also present at the November congressional hearing was Ethiopian Human Rights Council member Berhanu Tsige, who fled to the USA after lengthy detention. He stated that the full commission report fell short of projecting the ‘gruesome human rights violations that hit the country following the May 2005 elections’.

Berhanu Tsige reported that 65 inmates of Kaliti prison were killed on 1 November 2005. OSG received reports of only 19 killings (OSG Report 42, p. 23).

Although prevented from appearing in person by visa restrictions, Alemzuria Teshome wrote in testimony to Congress of her mother, Etenesh Yimam, mother of seven, being shot dead in front of her and her siblings when she was trying to prevent her husband, a CUD member elected to Addis Ababa Council, from being arrested in the 2005 disturbances.

CUD trials

Amnesty International (Urgent Action, AFR 25/013/2006) reported on 2 May 2006 that 76 prisoners of conscience, ‘elected opposition leaders, human rights defenders and independent journalists’ detained in November 2005, were being charged with genocide and treason. These charges, described as ridiculous by Amnesty International, were dropped and 28 of the high profile detainees from November 2005 were released in April 2007 as there was no evidence against them. One of the defendants who were released, Fasil Yenealem, wrote on 20 June of the harsh conditions in Kaliti prison, the insults from armed guards to detainees and visiting family members, refusal of requests for medical care, the stench and the overheard screams of youngsters begging to be killed rather than continue being tortured. He also reported the falsification of evidence and the unreliability of coerced witnesses in the numerous court appearances.

Thirty-eight of the prisoners of conscience were found guilty of ‘outrages against the constitution’ on 11 June after a 14 month trial. They included engineer Hailu Shawel, Chairman of the CUD, Prof. Mesfin Woldmariam, founder and first president of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, Dr Berhanu Nega, economics professor and elected Mayor of Addis Ababa, and Dr Yacob Hailemariam, retired Norfolk State University law professor and former UN prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. Amnesty International USA, in a press release on 18 June, condemned the convictions.

Of the 38 who refused to defend themselves on the grounds that their arrest was politically motivated, 30 were sentenced on 16 July to life imprisonment. Others received shorter sentences. The prosecuting attorney, Abraham Tetemke, had called for the death penalty one week before.

Reuters reported that on 20 July, all 38 were released after being pardoned that day. In late June, they had signed, under duress according to CUD leader Hailu Shawel, a statement admitting individual and collective responsibility for trying to replace the government unconstitutionally.

Ten co-defendants, who chose to mount a defence, remain in prison because pardons cannot be considered until sentence has been passed and their cases, being defended, have not been concluded. They include civil society activists and human rights lawyers Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demessie, who refused to sign the document of confession in any case. Daniel Bekele is policy manager for the Ethiopian office of ActionAid, and Netsanet Demessie is founder and co-ordinator of the Organisation for Social Justice.

Three other concurrent and related trials are proceeding in Addis Ababa against dozens of CUD members, including prisoner of conscience and elected parliamentarian Kifle Tigneh. ‘Judges have ignored complaints by several co-defendants in this trial that they were tortured.’ (Amnesty International USA, 11 May 2007.)

The pardoned politicians will not be allowed to take their seats in parliament but will be allowed to contest them in elections early next year, according to Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, speaking to the Ethiopian News Agency on 24 July.

Oromo political detentions in Kaliti prison

Under the file of Amsalu Oljira since 2006:

Adunya Misgana

Amsalu Oljira  

Cheru Taye 

Under the file of Adam Amme 2006:

Adam Abdulashi 

Adam Amme 

Detention and dismissal of Oromo students

In summary, OMRHO reported that over 350 Oromo students were dismissed from Addis Ababa University in 2004. In 2005, 35 were dismissed from Bahir Dar University. In 2006, over 42 were dismissed from Haromaya University, over 23 from Jimma University and more than 30 from Adama University.

In addition, over 400 were dismissed from high schools and elementary schools in the Ambo area in 2006 and over 200 were dismissed from schools in Gimbi, W. Wollega.

Demonstration at Addis Ababa Univesity (AAU)

The International Oromo Youth Association reported that Oromo students at Addis Ababa University demonstrated at the end of April 2007 following the death from unknown causes of an Oromo third-year pharmacy student.

Mohammed Abdurahman was found dead on 23 April. Against Oromo cultural norms and without permission from the student’s parents, internal organs, including his eyes, were removed and the body was severely disfigured. The outrage was intensified by the university President, Dr Endrias Eshete, who made derogatory comments to the young man’s father and student representatives, when they complained.

Government special riot police, the ‘Agazi’, dispersed the rally on the campus, using force, injuring and imprisoning an unknown number of students.

President of Oromia Supreme Court, Teshale Aberra: Judicial interference and harassment

On 20 April, OSG interviewed Teshale Aberra, 42 year-old President of the Oromia Supreme Court.

A judge since 1994, he became President of Assela High Court, Arsi, and from 2000 was one of 24 judges in the Oromia Supreme Court. He resigned after four months and became a private lawyer, but was persuaded to become president in 2001. He resisted the appointment because he had been accused of sympathising with the OLF following some of his decisions at Assela High Court. However, he was persuaded by OPDO Public Relation chief, Suleman Dadafo (later Minister of Information and now ambassador to Nigeria) who said that he was wanted because of his reputation of being non-corrupt and non-political. He was promised that he would not be harassed or coerced into joining the OPDO.

Political interference; detention of judges

He described increasing tension between the Oromia State administration and the court. According to the constitution of Ethiopia and the Oromo Region, judges are appointed by the state parliament (the Chafee Oromoo) after recommendation by the Judicial Commission and can only be removed from office by the commission, not by the Oromia regional parliament.

After the student demonstrations following the fires in 2000, many Oromia regional judges were repeatedly accused of sympathising with the OLF and many were detained. He presented reports to the regional government, refuting their claims that the Oromia courts were ‘stuffed with OLF supporters’.

He continued to resist unconstitutional attempts by district (woreda) authorities to dismiss judges and tensions rose between him and the regional government. He was unable to prevent two judges, Tasfaye Dagata and Waqgari Dagagu, being imprisoned in Jeldu district in June 2006.

Tensions increase after 2005 disturbances

Although the street disturbances in Addis Ababa, which he said resulted in 80,000 arrests in 2005, should have been dealt with by the Federal Supreme Court, the Tigrean Vice-President of that court, Memberatsehay Taddesse, said the cases must be heard by the Oromia Supreme Court. He said this was because the Federal Supreme Court judges were suspected to be CUD supporters and it would be a good opportunity for Oromo to exact revenge on Amharas. Teshale objected to this but the President of the Federal Supreme Court, Kemal Badri (who was also chairman of the election board for the national elections), also asked him and he was told that Prime Minister Meles Zenawi wanted the cases to be heard by the Oromia Supreme Court, so ‘refusal would be dangerous’.

After discussion with his judges, Teshale agreed that the 80,000 cases would be assessed quickly for bail and those cases without sufficient evidence dismissed, in order to minimise tensions between Amharas and Oromo. Hence, within two months, nearly all of the 80,000 cases were dismissed and the remaining 500 were referred to the Federal Supreme Court.

Federal Supreme Court Vice-President Memberatsehay Taddesse was furious, according to Teshale. He called a meeting with Teshale, Tafara Waluwa (Minister of Capacity Building) and Oromia President Abadula Gamada. Teshale was accused by Memberatsehay Taddesse of supporting the CUD and by Abadula Gamada of supporting the OLF.

Further reasons for tension

At the meeting and at meetings involving other state presidents, plans were laid out for retraining or replacing all district court judges and prosecutors throughout the country. A two-year course to train 3,000 was suggested, with 1,000 for Oromia region, beginning in December 2006 or January 2007. Once these had been trained, all existing judges and prosecutors would be withdrawn and be given two years further training.

Therefore, there would be only newly trained judges and prosecutors for the 2010 election period. There was no provision for the Judicial Commission to assess or recommend candidates, which was contrary to the constitution. Teshale strongly criticized this and pointed out that it was also unconstitutional in that all judge trainees should have at least diplomas in law.

However, there are still plans for 500 new judges to be trained in Oromia.

Harassment increases

Complaints were made against him in Oromia parliament beginning in 2001. He said he had been arguing with former Oromia President Juneidin Sado (now Federal Minister of Transport) for four years.

The complaints increased with the events of 2005 and 2006 and he began to be followed by security men. They began to visit his home frequently.

He was asked to comment on private lives of colleagues in order to prove his allegiance to the government. He was asked to prevent another judge from taking a higher degree and was accused of supporting the OLF when he refused. He was told to send his 14 year-old son to a colleague’s house to inform on what television programs he watched and what visitors he had.

‘The system is rotten’

Teshale applied for asylum when visiting the UK to study judicial training and prison systems in November 2006. His comments were reported in brief in The Guardian newspaper on 9 November.

He reported to OSG that judges are accused of corruption and of supporting the OLF if they throw out cases where individuals are unjustly accused of OLF involvement or because they refuse to dismiss cases when killings of Oromo or Amharas have occurred. He told OSG that when student Jagama Badhane was shot dead in Ambo on 9 November 2005 (see OSG Report 42, p. 25), the policeman who shot him was found guilty. Although this was confirmed at appeal before three Oromia Supreme Court judges and then at a five judge hearing, the Oromia President, Abadula Gamada has deemed that the judges were ‘anti-police’ and the case is still contested.

He estimated that the TPLF regime was responsible for 15-20,000 deaths, that there were 20-27,000 in official places of detention and at least 30,000 in unofficial detention centres – many more at times of conflict. All competitors at election time are threatened with detention. People are detained in all kebeles – ‘in all corners of the empire’, he said. ‘Torture and abuse is routine.’

‘The system is rotten’ he concluded

Addis Ababa and Central Oromia Killings and Disappearances:

Mustafa Haji and Shamsudin, both businessmen, were being held in Adama. Gamachu Mosisa and Temesgen Tamiru, both businessmen, were being held in Nunnu Qumba.

Sources within Ethiopia have informed OSG of the continued detention, until May 2007, of Benu Alemayehu. He was a first year student at Addis Ababa university when arrested along with about 20 other Oromo students in early 2004, as part of the general student disturbances and mass arrests in that year. He was severely tortured at Sendafa prison, before being sent to Zeway, where he was held and his torture continued for over two years. He has a deformity affecting the left side of his chest because of beating and he developed TB which remained untreated until March 2007, causing him much weight loss and weakness. His brother, Bonsa Alemayehu, is wanted for alleged OLF involvement and Benu was kept in detention in an effort to persuade his family to produce Bonsa. His father was also detained for this purpose. The police made it clear to him that his detention, ostensibly on charges of homosexuality, would continue until his brother was produced and Benu became a member of the OPDO. Benu is now out of Ethiopia and applying for asylum.

Persecution of Macha-Tulama Association Officers

The repeated detention of MTA officers, including Chairman Diribi Demissie, Vice-Chairman Gamachu Feyera, and Treasurer Sintayehu Worknehe, was reported in OSG Report 41 (July 2005, p. 5), and by Amnesty International (eg AFR 25/011/2004, 28 September 2004, and 25/005/2005, 20 April 2005). The officers were detained in May 2004, released and re-arrested after one week in August 2004, released in November 2004, and detained again in February 2005. Some MTA members remain in detention (see pp. 5, 21, 28, above) but some, including the three officers named above were released in March 2007. The Chairman, Diribi Demissie, is the only one of the three to remain in Ethiopia. Vice-Chairman Gemechu Fayera and Treasurer Sintayehu Worknehe have given the following accounts of their experiences in and out of detention since 2004.

Account of detention and killings by MTA Vice-Chairman, Gamachu Feyera

Gamachu Feyera, Vice-Chairman of the Macha-Tulama Association, was interviewed by Sagalee Bilisumma Oromoo [Radio Free Oromia]. The interview was broadcast in Afaan Oromoo on 11 May 2007. In addition to being Vice-Chairman, Obbo Gamachu was a member of the MTA culture and history committee and was head of the committee which raised funds for the students who were expelled in 2004. The following are translated excerpts of his interview.

MTA is non-political

‘MTA was formed in 1955 (Abyssinian calendar), during the Haile Selassie regime. It was formed to unite the Oromo people by raising their awareness - about their history and culture - so that the Oromo people can regain their self belief and take pride in their history and culture. However, Wayane [TPLF regime] are adept at branding independent minded individuals as enemies, let alone an independent organisation. In addition, without any evidence, they attempted to associate the organisation with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and other political organisations. Even when we were released by the court, we were in and out of prison for more than three years. The reality is MTA has no association with any political organisation. It is predominantly a development oriented social and cultural organisation formed during the dark days of the Haile Selassie regime. MTA maintains its seniority and identity and is not associated with or led by any political organisation. Hence, there is no basis for the accusation and, there is no reason for our imprisonment or closing down the offices.’

Government back down on moving Oromia capital

‘Our alleged crime was for issuing a statement on Finfinne [Addis Ababa] being the heartland of Oromia. In our statement we argued that the seat of Oromia should not be relocated outside Finfinne and Oromo should not be driven out of Finfinne. They said this is a mistake and further claimed that helping the expelled students was also a mistake. What is obvious is that the ultimate aim of the Wayane is to reverse the progress of the Oromo people’s struggle. However, what we are witnessing today is that Wayane is being consumed by fire of its own making.’

Interviewer: On the issue of Finfinne - on loosing the election in 2005 in the city, the Wayane regime declared that Oromo rights on Finfinne should be respected and attempted to use the Oromo people against others, to achieve its political objectives. How did the courts view your case, at the time when the regime was talking about respecting the Oromo people’s right on Finfinne?

‘They accepted publicly - on radio, television and other media outlets - that they made a mistake on the Finfinne issue [asking the Oromia government to move out]. In reality, though, nothing changed. It was a deliberate attempt to deceive the Oromo people. . . . They were more concerned about the impact of their propaganda rather than bothering to take our case into consideration let alone view us as human beings.

The fact of the matter is that when they finally admitted their mistake about Finfinne, they should have immediately re-opened the MTA offices and released MTA detainees.’

MTA Detainees remain

‘Although a few of us were released on bail, many still languish in jail, such as Mengistu Desta, MTA General Secretary [not included in above lists], and board members Tsegaye Jarsi (aged 80), [not included in above lists], Solomon Baqale, Tadase Dagafa and Ishetu Asafa [in Kaliti, under files of Abdisa Hirphasa and Dabala Tafa, pp. 7-8].’

Killings and other abuses in detention

‘You can only talk about human rights if you are viewed as a human being  . . . they look down on us like dogs. The sad thing is that thieves and petty criminals of Tigrean origin can beat people up and no action would be taken against them. If you complain you would be reprimanded and end up in dark room. Here, an incident that took place on October 24, 1998 (Abyssinian calendar) in Kaliti prison merits a particular mention. We were held at a gun point and were beaten up and shot at. Student Alemayehu Garba was on crutches and hid beneath me for safety but was shot while I was trying to protect him. [OSG Report 42, p.22.]. . .

There is no special care for elderly prisoners. They are held with thieves and petty criminals - to the extent that if they hang up their washing they will never see it again. Prison cells are overflowing and, therefore, there isn’t enough food to go around. The strong take all and the frail elderly cannot compete for food.’

Legality of detention

‘Obviously there is no case to answer and we were held unlawfully. When we were interrogated at Maikelawi we were not questioned about breaking the law. The focus of the interrogation was that “You said things the government did not approve of”. And they said “You spoke against what the government pronounced”. Our position was that we exercised our right to freedom of expression and spoke the truth. But contrary to the law of the land that supposedly allows freedom of expression, Colonel Taddasaa Massalaa, commander of Maikelawi, threatened us with 15 year jail term for being Oromo and for expressing our views. And he carried out his threat when he re-arrested us and sent us back to Maikelawi after we were released by the court. Then we were brought before the Federal court who decided we had no case to answer and released us. After two months of freedom our bail was revoked and, they changed the charge, and brought us before a different court. What is evident here is that these people were not carrying out their legal duties, but were implementing the wishes of their Wayane masters. If there is any semblance of law, those people who raised the Finfinne question should not be in prison now. What is clear from all this is that we were imprisoned for political reasons and for being Oromo.’

Shootings and torturing to death

The interviewer asked about the deaths in detention of Alemayehu Garba and Gadissa Hirphassa (see OSG Report 42, pp. 22 and 30).

‘Alemayehu Garba and Gadissa Hirphassa were our co-accused and I witnessed what happened to them. I used to share a mattress with Alemayehu Garba.

They opened fire on us while we were inside [our cells]. When the shooting died down they came in, checked and realised that we were unhurt. Then, they went outside and started firing towards us from a different direction. Alemayehu was shot in front of my eyes during this incident.

Alemayehu was on crutches and is someone with a very limited mobility. That same evening it was reported in the media that he was shot while trying to escape. Alemayehu was not capable of walking, let alone attempting to escape. He lost his life in such tragic circumstances.

Gadissa Hirphassa was in shackles and they used to beat him up and walk all over him at will. People who saw what they were doing to him were also beaten up. When he was brought to court he told the judges that his life was in danger, that he was being kept in a dark room and made to sleep on a bare concrete floor with no blanket and pleaded with the court to save his life. Some of the judges accepted his plea and decided that he should not be held in such condition. But a judge called Lu’uul Gabra Mariam, a Wayane cadre, disagreed and decided that his case would only be reviewed at some future date. When his plea was turned down he told the court that his plea today would be his last as he did not believe he would ever be able to speak again. Tragically, his plea was ignored and Gadissa lost his life from severe beating.

These are people we will always remember; they left us unforgettable messages with their blood and bones. Morkata Idosa [OSG Report 42, p. 24] and Mohammad Xayyib [previously unreported] were beaten to death in prison. An old man of 70 died of illness due to lack of medical care. He appealed to the court to be allowed out and pay for his treatment. The court accepted his plea on three occasions but his jailors refused, and eventually he lost his life. The reason he was not allowed out for treatment was that they deliberately wanted him dead; they did not want him to come out alive. He committed no crime, but paid with his life simply for being an Oromo. Alemayehu Itafa [previously unreported] met the same fate. These are the ones I saw, who were in prison at the same time as I was. There were others, before and after me. The prison has seven sections, therefore, there are many others that I have not met or seen.. . .

What is sad about the whole thing is that it is unprovoked and we were not aware of anything that could have happened. Suddenly they started shooting at us in broad day light. We run for cover and hid under beds. Those who raised their heads to look at what was going on got shot. Then, they went from room to room and from one bed to the next searching for Oromos and shot them one by one in their beds. That is how Alemayehu, Zakarias, Mosisa [latter two reported wounded, OSG Report 42, p. 24] and others were shot. None of them was shot outside and, they did nothing wrong at all.  They [TPLF] knew where Oromo political prisoners slept and went around, picking them off, one by one, shooting them in their beds simply for being Oromo.’

Prison conditions

 ‘Prisons are overflowing - to the extent that keeping count of how many people are in prison is extremely difficult. Due to the sheer number of inmates there isn’t enough food to go around and, fighting over food breaks out all the time.

To make space in Kaliti for new arrivals, they keep on shifting prisoners to places like Zeway or Showa Robit. Even after that, 350 – 500 prisoners are held in one place. A mattress is shared between 3 or 4 people. As a consequence, rooms are very smelly and suffocating and, expose inmates to various health hazards. If people fall ill, only three people at a time are allowed to receive medical attention, out of 500 inmates. If more than three people are taken ill, they will be left to their fate. When people are eventually taken to clinic there isn’t any medicine, nor trained medical personnel to give them the required treatment. If someone is referred to hospital for treatment, they will say they haven’t got an armed guard to accompany them and refuse them treatment. The chances of someone taken ill in prison recovering from their illness are quite slim. This is purely a consequence of the size of the prison population. Cleanliness is the other difficult thing in prison.

The fact is that when they face a problem in one part of the country they round up innocent people and throw them in prison. In particular they fear the young and blame them for the entire problem they encounter. Hence they have devised a way of dealing with them. They label them as unemployed dangerous elements and take them out and shoot them. These are people who have work and family and have no criminal involvement. Prison, therefore, is not a place where prisoners’ life has the protection of law, rather it is a place where prisoners are exposed to all kinds of dangers and their life is filled with fear.’

ICRC visits

‘International Red Cross came and visited us once when were held at Maikelawi and once when we were held at Karchale. When we were transferred to Kaliti, not even the International Red Cross was allowed to visit us, let alone other human rights organisations. I talked to them after my release and learned that they were prevented by the government from visiting us. No one else was allowed to see us, visit us or talk to us except our Wayane minders. Non-Amharic or Tigrinya speaking families and friends are not allowed in to see you, let alone human rights organisations. But our families come from villages in Wallega, Bale, Jimma and other places.  Because they are unable to speak the required language the guards will not allow them in to see us, and they go back to where they came from in despair and crying. In particular if you end up in Kaliti prison, there is no right to a visit; one can have a visit from outside only if the Wayane want to be generous.’

MTA property confiscated

‘MTA property that was looted includes possessions that were accumulated by our fathers for over 40 years. Many are irreplaceable items that money cannot buy.

Added to the property that was looted; their insidious campaign to project the organisation as having some sort of terrorist link is one thing you cannot put monetary value to. They robbed the good will of the association.

Regarding the lost goods, numerous valuable historical books about the Oromo that were collected over many years have been lost. In addition we lost computers and money and clothing that were donated to help the expelled Oromo students. Items that reflect Oromo cultural identity