Oromo political prisoners appeal |
|
|
In July 2006 a group of Oromo political prisoners sent the following message to Ethiopian government departments and to organisations and individuals in Ethiopia and abroad. Years, originally in the Ethiopian calendar (EC), have been changed to the Gregorian calendar. EC years and editorial changes are in square brackets. ‘We the Oromo political prisoners, charged with false accusations for the crimes of attempting to overthrow the regime and inciting war, were detained and have been suffering for such a long time in prison without trial and justice only for our political outlook and being Oromo. Moreover, our human rights are always violated and we have been denied of humane treatment as a result of which we have been suffering from sickness, torture and death. 1. Even though Article 20(1) of the FDRE Constitution provides that the accused have the right to speedy trial by an independent judiciary, this constitutional right of ours has been utterly violated and our trial is excessively delayed. For example:
There is one and only one reason why the Second Criminal Bench of the Federal High Court has failed to dispose of our case: that is the crime we are charged with is unfounded and cannot be proved in which case we will certainly be acquitted if the court will decide the matter. So the only mechanism by which we can be kept in prison for indefinite period is by delaying our trial. This, however, is illegal and inhumane. We therefore request the concerned Ministry of Justice to respect the country's Constitution and provide us immediate and just solution. 2. Contrary to Article 21(1) of the FDRE Constitution the conditions in which we are held in prison or custody is quite inhumane. More often than not we have been subjected to torture, shot to death. For instance:
We fear that they are intentionally delaying our trial so that they get time to expose us to disease, torture and put us all to death over a longer period of time. We demand that the torture and killing should be stopped and the murderers of students Alemayehu Gerba, and Gadisa Hirpasa, that is Major Afework Teferra, privates Fiseha Gebremariam and Iyasu should be brought to justice immediately. 3. Atricle 25 of the Constitution guarantees equality before the law and protects against any form of discrimination. However, we Oromos have been detained and jailed without conviction only for our political outlooks and ethnic nationality, and language. We are exposed to torture such as electric shocks. Our investigators are only Tigrian members of the Federal Police. This team is led by a man called Tadese Meseret known for using electric shocks in which many innocent Oromos lost their lives. Ali Ibirahim and Gutu Geletu (in 1995 [1987 E.C]), Mahammed Yusuf in 1998 [1990] Sisay Debele in 2001 [1993] died of such torture while in custody. Many like Girma Ittafa became lame and unable to walk due to this torture. The ones prosecuting us for such a perpetrated crime are prosecutors born to Tigrian ethnic group. The presiding judge of the Second Criminal Division who simply delays our trial by adjourning our case is a man called Le'ul Gebremariam who is a Tigrian national. This judge has been assigned to try Oromos since 2002 [1984 E.C.] He simply orders death penalty upon Oromos. The so-called crimes that we are charged with are said to have been committed in Oromia. Constitutionally Oromia has jurisdiction to try us, but we are put to the investigation by Tigrian police, prosecution by Tigrian prosecutor and trial by a Tigrian judge before federal court in a language which we do not understand, where we are orally abused, insulted if we demand explanation or accurate translation. So we are denied of fair trial and justice in all the processes of investigation, prosecution and trial. We could have been tried in Oromia, but we are brought before federal institutions for the purpose of discrimination. |
|
|
Following the list of Oromo prisoners facing trial for intentionally perpetrated crimes which are quite unfounded and meant only to imprison us.
1. In the case of Tegenu Gebresillasei (Criminal File No. 1741, Federal High Court)
1) Tegenu Gebresillassei 2) Zerihun Hailu 3) Jida Siyum 4) Niguse Beturi 5) Mengesaha Nabi 6) Hasen Janbo 7) Tsegaye Koricho 8) Challa Biru 9) Negewo Birbisso 10) Shegena Melka 11) Ashu Waqayo 12) Lita Angure 13) Mirbo Korji 14) Lencho Dame 15) Megire Negash 16) Dita Kebenecha 17) Mideksa Korme 18) Asebot Ninni 19) Berhanu Beyene 20) Bojora Gemeda 21) Dullo Tekaka 22) Dagne Belachew 23) Bedo Melka 24) Tafa Regasa 25) Girma Ayana 26) Hasan Jilo 27) Gudeta Kurfa 28) Lema Lube 29) Defaru Shewarega 30) Kasim Hamda 31) Wachare Abo 32) Abo Warajo 33) Getu Tadese 34) Biru Mamo 35) Demisu Daba 36) Tullu Birru 37) Alemayehu Abebe 38) Tesfaye Demisse
2. In the case of Ali Ibirahim and others (Federal High Court Criminal File No.809/93)
1) Ali Ibirahim 2) Temesgen Meshesha 3) Abdu Mohammed 4) Abdu Umar 5) Morka Idosa (dead) 6) Ahimad Zakiri 7) Girma Adugna 8) Adam Usman 9) Mahammed Jayilan 10) Biratu Disasa 11) Abera Merti 12) Husen Abdella 13) Jibiril Hasen 14) Hamza Uso 15) Abdi Ibirahim 16) Taye Guteta 17) Mehammed Aliye 18) Ibirahim Ahimed 19) Adma Ale 20) Ahimad Mehammed 21) Fayera Tolera 22) Jamal Ibirahim 23) Yunis Umar 24) Jora Mehammed 25) Abiyi Demashe 26) Abdella Adam 27) Jamal Amin 28) Alganesh Dirgasa 29) Abdella Mehammed 30) Mehammed A/Rahiman 31) Abdurahiman Hasen 32) Abirahim Adam 33) Ziyad Mehammed 34) Musa Haji 35) Abdella Shehi Ahimad 36) Sufian Aliyi 37) Teshome Desta 38) Yunis Sham Dado 39) Tofik Umar 40) Abdi Isma'el 41) Mahammed Musa Ibirahim 42) Dabale Asfawu 43) Jamal Abas.
3. In the case of Mehammad Usen Mehammed and others (Federal High Court Criminal File no. 992/93)
1) Mehammed Husen 2) Mehammed Teyib (dead) 3) Nuredin Dedefo 4) Hasen Abdella 5) Nasima Mehammed 6) Uke Beja 7) Shehi Ali Berertu 8) Kerjul Wayu 9) Abdurazak Banti 10) Daksisa Geleta 11) Gudeta Birso 12) Husen Teshite 13) Amano Warso 14) Tadese Ali 15) Gabi Shila 16) Gana Ali 17) Bulbula Seyife 18) Abu Gobena 19) Sayid Kedir 20) Basiye Ware 21) Aseffa Hika 22) Jarmo Chana 23) Hiko Bato 24) Dasta Bato 25) Dajene Gonfa 26) Yesin 27) Ahimad Kalifa 28) Abe Heyi Aute 29) Bantu Midaksa 30) Gemeda Bati 31) Kemal Gobe 32) Yohannes Feleke 33) Adam Surur
4. In the case of Husen Hamza and others (Federal High Court Criminal File No. 1263/93
1) Husen Hamza 2) Bedri Adam 3) Taye Balami 4) Umar Idiris 5) Haji Mehammed Musa 6) Jamal Ahimad Abdo 7) Umar Shehi Bidiri 8) Ahimad Haji Aliyi 9) Ahimad Nuri 10) Salim Shehi Ahimad 11) Irena Legesse 12) Sultan Isma'el 13) Hasim Kedir 14) Kedir Salih Adam
5. In the case of Kedir Zinabu and others (Federal High Court Criminal File No. 1810/93
1) Kedir Zinabu 2) Feruz Abdi 3) Husen Ahimad 4) Sherif Jundi 5) Mehammed Abdella 6) Ali Mehammed 7) Aliyi Ibiro 8) Abdul Reshid Abdulahi 9) Adam Salih 10) Ayush Bekiri 11) Abdella Abib 12) Kedir Abdi 13) Usma'el Husen 14) Yasin Mehammed 15) Abdi Ame
6. In the case of Mesfin Ittana and others (Criminal File No. 222/95)
1) Mesfin Ittana 2) Mesfin Mosisa 3) Dani'el Ayana 4) Cherinet Yemaneh 5) Mitiku Tesfa 6) Yohannes Waqbulcha 7) Kemal Bebgir 8) Mengistu Hordofa 7. In the case of Diribi Demisse and others (Criminal File No. 36263/96)
1) Diribi Demisse 2) Gemechu Feyera 3) Sintayehu Workineh 4) Ayelu Itisa 5) Bekuma Yendo 6) Tolasa Debebe 7) Alemayehu Gerba (dead) 8) Kebebew Bobasa 9) Bilisuma Dabare 10) Dawit Odo 11) Melaku Degafi 12) Teshale Tesfaye 13) Legese Abetu 14) Gemechis Wodajo 15) Samu'el Haile 16) Kefiyalew Gerbi 17) Aberra Namomsa 18) Ibirahim Tarfa 19) Badasa Abdisa 20) Milkesa Dandana 21) Idosa Tolasa 22) Ibisa Melaku 23) Guta Tullu 24) Dabasa Waqjira 25) Nega Kefeni 26) Telila Bulbula 27) Taye Dendena 28) Gadisa Hirpasa (dead) 29) Tomas Beranu 30) Regasa Worku 8. In the case of Gemeda Kasim (Criminal File No.33176/96)
1) Gemeda Kasim 2) Tadesse Amede 3) Kedir Wadajo 4) Guta Tullu 5) Legese Gebresillassie 6) Challa Abu 7) Zewudu Kene'a 8) Dachasa Banti 9) Bayisa Belay 10) Legesse Yadata 11) Mehammed Awal 12) Nasiri Abdo 13) Derara Abdisa 14) Teferra Nasi'a 15) Dagafa Gebremariam 16) Tamene Getahun 17) Yilma Indale 18) Adam Tibeso 19) Imiru Gurmessa 20) Adugna Daba
9. In the case of Haile Tasisa and others (Criminal File No.36268/97) 1) Haile Tasisa 2) Lamessa Tasisa 3) Wage Melka 4) Abdu Siraj 5) Aman Hasen 6) Zakarias Tariku 7) Idiris Awal 8) Sa'id Abdella 9) Tasamma Afirasa
| |
Human Rights Watch report |
|
|
New York, 13 January 2006 |
|
|
Ethiopia: Hidden Crackdown in Rural Areas Independent Inquiry Should Investigate Rural Violence The Ethiopian government is using intimidation, arbitrary detentions and excessive force in rural areas of Ethiopia to suppress post-election protests and all potential dissent, Human Rights Watch said today after a research trip to Addis Ababa and the Oromia and Amhara regions. ‘The Ethiopian government is violently suppressing any form of protest and punishing suspected opposition supporters,’ said Peter Takirambudde, director of Human Rights Watch’s Africa Division. ‘Donor governments should insist on an independent, credible investigation into abuses by federal police and local officials in rural as well as urban areas.’In the wake of the May 15 parliamentary elections, in which opposition parties won an unprecedented number of seats amidst massive controversy over the election results, federal police in the Oromia and Amhara regions have threatened, beaten and detained opposition supporters, students and people with no political affiliation, often in nighttime raids. Alongside local government officials and members of local government-backed militias, the federal police have taken the lead in intimidating and coercing opposition supporters. In one town in Oromia, a 17-year-old girl was stopped at a police checkpoint, beaten and detained for seven days by federal police for no apparent reason except that she was traveling with students to the funeral of a fellow student killed by police. Also in Oromia, a 38-year-old farm worker and a 40-year-old widow described nighttime raids in which police beat them with rifle butts and batons, resulting in serious injuries. In Oromia, individuals detained by the federal police are often accused of being supporters of the Oromo Liberation Front, an illegal insurgency group that called for Oromia-wide protests against the government on November 8. Detained individuals were also accused by police of being members of the Oromo National Congress, although it is a registered political party that won seats in the May 15 elections as part of an opposition coalition group. ‘The government is deepening its crackdown in Ethiopia's rural areas, far from the eyes and ears of international observers in Addis Ababa,’ Takirambudde said. ‘People are being terrorized by federal police working hand-in-glove with local officials and militias.’ Several recently released detainees from different locations in rural Ethiopia said that police and other officials forced them to sign statements disavowing support to political opposition groups and pledging support to the local ruling party affiliate before being released. A 37-year-old opposition politician from the Oromo National Congress told Human Rights Watch that federal police in western Oromia beat and arrested him in a nighttime raid on his house in early December. ‘They beat every part of my body; the blood was coming out of my mouth,’ he said. ‘They beat with guns and sticks and plastic rope.’ In the Amhara region, witnesses told Human Rights Watch that kebele (local-level) officials, who are generally members of the Amhara National Democratic Movement—a party affiliated with the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)—played a key role identifying individuals and guiding the federal police to their homes at night, where federal police beat and sometimes arrested them. ‘The kebele officials know everyone. They come late, at midnight, knock at the door and take the one they want and beat him,’ a man from Bahar Dar, Amhara region, told Human Rights Watch. Individuals in rural Oromia said they have been denied access to fertilizers and seeds by administrative officials who view them as opposition supporters. Farmers who have voiced support for recognized opposition political parties in rural Oromia have reportedly been detained without charge for 30 days or more by kebele ‘social courts,’ which are run by government party appointees without legal training. ‘Federal police and regional officials responsible for these abuses must be investigated and punished,’ Takirambudde said. ‘Prime Minister Meles Zenawi should publicly order all security forces to abide by international standards on the use of force.’ Federal police—usually identified by their blue camouflage uniforms—have been responsible for many of the abuses in Addis Ababa and the rural areas since the parliamentary elections in May. According to victims and witnesses in Addis Ababa, Oromia and the Amhara region, federal police beat and shot students and other protestors in those locations in November. In one case from Bahar Dar, where two students were killed and two were wounded in early November, an eyewitness told Human Rights Watch that the school was surrounded by the police who shot into the compound where the unarmed students were collected. Federal police also played a key role in the violence in Addis Ababa in early November. Eyewitnesses told Human Rights Watch that the federal police savagely beat unarmed students with batons and shot at their backs as they fled. Thousands of people were arrested and detained in Addis Ababa and the rural areas following the demonstrations in June and November. Many of the people detained in the wake of the November violence have since been released. Yet more than 3,000 detainees held at the Dedessa military camp since November are apparently being transferred to Ziway prison, 130 kilometers south of Addis Ababa, for further questioning and possible charges. As many as 2,500 other detainees, including many opposition supporters and some opposition party election observers, are reportedly being held in another detention facility, Bir Shelako, about 385 kilometers northwest of Addis Ababa near Bure town in the Amhara region. ‘The Ethiopian government has detained people indefinitely without trial in recent years, so there's a real concern that the authorities will do the same again,’ Takirambudde said. ‘Donor governments should call on the Ethiopian government to ensure that all detainees are either promptly charged and given fair trials, or released.’ Background Since the May 15 parliamentary elections in which opposition parties made massive gains in their share of seats, the EPRDF government led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has used repression, intimidation and violence to punish real or perceived opposition supporters and eliminate dissent in both urban centers and rural areas. In June and again in November, demonstrations by opposition supporters in Addis Ababa were met with lethal force from the government. In June alone, more than 30 people were killed and more than 100 injured in Addis Ababa when security forces fired upon demonstrators, who, in some cases, were throwing stones and blocking roads. On November 1-3, at least 46 protestors and seven policemen died in Addis Ababa. Following each episode of violence, the government arrested thousands of people in Addis Ababa and many other cities as part of a national crackdown. While most of the June detainees have reportedly been released, thousands of people arrested in November and afterwards remain in detention. Many supporters of the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) and other opposition parties were arbitrarily detained without charges, and editors of five newspapers were arrested (and later released on bail), apparently for their coverage of the post-election violence. On December 21, the government charged 131 persons—including prominent CUD politicians Hailu Shawel, Mesfin Woldemariam and the newly elected CUD mayor of Addis Ababa, Berhanu Nega—with charges including treason, inciting violence and planning to commit genocide. Several civil society activists and 13 journalists were included in the group. |
|
Amnesty International reportInternational Secretariat, London, 2 May 2006. AI Index: AFR 25/013/2006 Summary Amnesty International is deeply concerned that elected opposition members of parliament, human rights defenders and independent journalists are on trial for treason and other serious criminal offences, most of which could carry the death sentence. Amnesty International has called for their release as prisoners of conscience who have not used or advocated violence. It fears they will not receive a fair trial. The prosecution is due to open on 2 May 2006 before the Federal High Court in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. The trial is expected to last several months. 76 individuals are in court for trial, following earlier preliminary proceedings. They were arrested in November 2005 in connection with opposition demonstrations against the government. 25 Ethiopians who are resident abroad are also being tried in their absence. Four political parties and six newspaper publishing companies are also on trial, making a total of 111 defendants. Ethiopia’s main donors including the World Bank have all called for the release of the defendants. The European Union, concerned about the fairness of trial, has appointed an international trial observer. The defendants include Hailu Shawel, Birtukan Mideksa (f), Addis Ababa Mayor-elect Dr Berhanu Negga, and other leaders of the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) party, 14 journalists from independent newspapers and three civil society activists. All defendants except the three civil society activists are refusing to participate in the trial or present a defence, on the grounds that they do not expect to receive a fair trial. Amnesty International is concerned that human rights defenders are among the accused, contrary to the government’s duty to respect the legitimate role of human rights defenders as set out in the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders. They are Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, founder and former chair of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, and three civil society activists – Daniel Bekele of the Ethiopian office of ActionAid, a South Africa-based international development organization; Netsanet Demissie of the Organization for Social Justice in Ethiopia; and Kassahun Kebede of the Ethiopian Teachers Association. 14 journalists of the independent media are included in the trial, apparently on account of their published articles, which contradicts guarantees of media freedom contained in the Ethiopian Constitution, as well as international standards. Amnesty International is concerned about the treatment and conditions of the defendants in Kaliti prison in Addis Ababa, including restricted access to families and legal representatives, medical care, denial of writing materials and restricted reading material. Amnesty International opposes the death penalty worldwide and is calling for the removal of the death penalty in this trial. This report includes the background to the trial in the May 2005 elections and the post-election crisis arising from alleged election fraud and opposition demonstrations where the security forces killed over 80 people in June and November 2005. The European Union Election Observation Mission delivered a highly critical report of the election, citing widespread human rights abuses. Details are given of the charges against the defendants, with a renewed demand for the removal of the charge of genocide as being “absurd” in this trial. The range of defendants is described, including opposition leaders, several lawyers and academics, Yakob Hailemariam - a former UN Special Envoy, and five women – one of them seven months pregnant. There is a section on the repression of the media in Ethiopia – with a total of 20 journalists in prison, and several new convictions under the Press Law in recent months. Other pending political trials on similar charges are mentioned, and other serious human rights issues, including abuses committed by the security forces in the long-running armed conflicts in the Oromia and Somali regions, and in Gambella and other parts of the Southern Region. Aspects of possible unfairness in the treason trial are discussed. The report concludes with Amnesty International’s recommendations. It calls on the Government of Ethiopia to release immediately and unconditionally, with charges withdrawn, the political opposition leaders, human rights defenders and journalists, who are prisoners of conscience who have not used or advocated violence. Amnesty International calls on the authorities to ensure that all elements of fair trial are afforded to the defendants and to exclude the application of the death penalty. Defendants should be treated humanely in custody in accordance with international and regional standards. The government should implement the right to freedom of opinion and association for political parties and civil society groups, including freedom of the media, as set out in the Ethiopian Constitution and international and regional human rights treaties to which Ethiopia is party. It should protect the legitimate role of human rights defenders and civil society activists. Amnesty International also calls on the international community to continue to work for the release of the prisoners of conscience on trial, and to press the Government of Ethiopia to fulfil its international human rights obligations. In addition, it calls on them to guarantee protection of the rights of Ethiopian refugees, particularly opposition party members, civil society activists and journalists known to be critics of the government who should not be refouled or forcibly returned to Ethiopia where they may face persecution, arbitrary arrest or detention, unfair trial, torture or other ill-treatment. The full 26-page report is available at http://www.amnesty.org Excerpts from the full report: 2.2. Killings of demonstrators and mass arrests p.3 In early June 2005 preliminary results were released by the National Election Board giving the EPRDF a narrow lead. CUD supporters subsequently demonstrated in Addis Ababa, accusing the government and EPRDF of fraud, and the National Election Board of bias towards the EPRDF. Peaceful demonstrations led to violent confrontations with the security forces. A special army unit, known as Agaazi, reportedly shot dead at least 36 protesters and wounded many others in Addis Ababa on 8 June. Some 9,000 CUD supporters including 2,000 university students, and six Ethiopian Human Rights Council officials (who were not members of any political party), were detained by police but were provisionally released on bond by the end of July 2005 without being charged with any crime. The CUD supporters had in most cases been arbitrarily arrested and were not brought before a court within the 48-hour limit prescribed by Ethiopian law. Many were allegedly beaten or ill-treated. p.4 In a second series of pro-CUD demonstrations in early November 2005, police shot dead at least 42 protesters in Addis Ababa, wounded some 200 others and detained most of the CUD leadership, which had called for non-violent demonstrations. The protests, which started peacefully with drivers honking their horns and a workers’ stay-home strike, led to violence with widespread police shootings, seven police officers being killed by protesters and considerable damage to government property. The security forces arrested over 10,000 CUD officials and supporters in Addis Ababa, the Amhara Region and some other regions, including many who had been arrested in June and photographed for police records. There were further pro-CUD protests starting in late December 2005, and continuing into early 2006. Students boycotted school and college classes, resulting in widespread school closures, and there were widespread arrests and beating of students and teachers suspected of instigating the boycotts. Many of these detainees have since been released provisionally on bond but several thousands reportedly remain in detention. Details of the arrests have not been disclosed to detainees’ families or the public, and most detainees have not been brought before a court. 2.5. Other opposition supporters facing similar political charges p.10 Amnesty International is concerned that, in addition to the trial of the CUD leaders, several other CUD officials and members who were arrested on or after November 2005 are facing trial or could be tried under similar political charges in federal or regional courts in the coming months. Some are or may be prisoners of conscience and may not receive fair trials. They include the following: Kifle Tigeneh, a CUD elected member of parliament detained in Addis Ababa since November 2005 and under investigation by a lower court, was charged on 21 March 2006 with treason, ‘outrage against the Constitution’ and ‘genocide’, together with 32 others, including six members-elect of the Addis Ababa City Council and journalist Solomon Aregawi. Eight of the defendants charged on 21 March complained to the judge that they had been tortured and denied medical treatment. They said they had been beaten, deprived of food for long periods, and suffered electric shocks. One said he had been forced to sign a statement he was unable to read on account of torture injuries. The court ordered that the eight defendants should be given medical treatment but did not order any investigation into the torture complaints.[1] The trial is due to start on 8 May 2006. Berhane Moges, a lawyer who had earlier offered to represent CUD defendants such as Hailu Shawel, was arrested in Addis Ababa on 18 February 2006 shortly after he had met the visiting EU Commissioner for Development and Humanitarian Assistance. Berhane Moges was remanded in custody for investigation into alleged involvement in an alleged foiled conspiracy to plant bombs in Addis Ababa, which he denied. On 28 April 2006 he was charged with ‘outrage against the Constitution’, with the next court hearing scheduled for 12 May. 265 suspected CUD supporters who were arrested in Bahar Dar district of the Amhara Region in November 2005 were formally charged before a regional court on 16 February 2006 with involvement in rioting. They are still detained.
Thousands of CUD supporters are believed to be still detained without charge in
different parts of the country since the demonstrations of November/December
2005 and early 2006. |
|
Civil unrest and government reprisalsAnti-government demonstrations have been occurring across Ethiopia since the post-election demonstrations and killings in June 2005. Before November 2005, most disturbances reflected public protest about the May 2005 elections and subsequent killings and arrests of CUD supporters (see Amnesty International report, above, for details). Following a call to protest by the Oromo Liberation Front in early November 2005, most disturbances in Oromia Region concerned Oromo abuses and political issues. However, protests in schools in and around Addis Ababa concerning the elections and detentions of CUD members did continue. Therefore the usual format of geographic breakdown of abuses is not being followed for the major part of this report. Events are described instead in mainly chronological order, with election-related and pro-CUD disturbances considered first. July – October 2005The final death toll on 8 June was at least 42, according to Amnesty International. Thousands of opposition supporters were detained and many were beaten (AFR 25/016/2005). CNN (13 July) reported that 74 were shot and wounded and that 17 had disappeared. Government claims that the killings by its security forces were in response to banks being robbed appear to have been false. Officials of the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia, Wogagen, Awash International, Abyssinia, Dashen, Nib and United Banks all told the Reporter (3 July 2005) they had received no reports of robberies. The Nation (9 July 2005) reported that ten CUD leaders and six Addis Ababa University students (most being members of the students union council) were to be tried in the Federal High Court for inciting strikes and boycotts in response to the announced election results. Lissane Hizb (8 July 2005) reported the shooting to death of a member of the Wogdi peasant association, S. Wollo, Amhara Region, the disappearance of Mohammed Chaka after his being severely beaten by police, the burning of homes of an election observer, Fete Teshome, and a candidate, Ayalew Ali, and the severe beating by Federal Police of several workers of Kombolcha Textile Factory. EHRC officials and CUD leaders were in and out of prison over the summer. On 4 July 2005, Federal Police announced the release of 878 detainees and the projected release from Zewai of 3,946 protesters. 509 were still held in Zewai and about 190 in Sendafa police camp (Reporter, 6 July). Netsanet, 7 July, quoting EHRC’s 84th report, wrote that in addition to deaths from the demonstrations in June, 29, including 12 AAU students, had disappeared and a further 105, including five Alemaya University students and 23 CUD members, had been detained. The Reporter (19 July) stated that Federal Police were defying court orders to bring nine AAU and Kotebe Teachers Training College students to court from Sendafa police camp. Agence France Presse, reported from Addis Ababa on 27 September that the Ethiopian News Agency had reported that police had arrested over 80 in North and East Showa, Oromia Region, 43 in Tigray Region and three just south of Addis Ababa. The state news agency claimed they were plotting a coup d’état and were in possession of weapons. It reported that at least eight CUD members were taken in Showa. Dates and other details were not given. The news was released prior to the planned protests against the government on 1 November. November 2005 – March 2006Protests began in Addis Ababa on 1 November against the May election results, which had been announced in September. They were initially peaceful but noisy, as taxi-drivers blew their horns. Thirty taxi-drivers were arrested early on but by the end of the day, riot police had shot dead at least six demonstrators and wounded at least 25 others (Amnesty International, AFR 25/015/2005). Further protests against the police shootings included stone-throwing, building of barricades and burning of vehicles. By the end of the next day, 2 November, over thirty were reported by Amnesty International (AFR 25/016/2005) to have been shot and killed and over 150 wounded. Live ammunition was fired into protestors in the Mercato and other districts. Two police were reported killed. The Times reported online, 2 November, that gangs of youths were shouting anti-Blair slogans, because of the UK Prime Minister’s former championing of Zenawi, and that at least 23, including several women were shot dead. According to The Times Online Africa Correspondent, Jonathan Clayton, British residents said that the protests were initially not threatening. Youngsters were demanding that Blair ‘opened his eyes’ and that ex-patriates tell the UK government what was happening. One Briton asked ‘When is the West going to realise this government is a bunch of morons?’ The streets in most areas of the ‘rundown city’ were strewn with bricks, glass, smouldering rubble and burning tyres following two days of running battles between protestors and police, the report said. The BBC reported at least 46 were killed by 6 November. Speaking to the BBC in Germany on 6 November, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi blamed the killings on the CUD, claiming that demonstrators were throwing grenades and carrying guns. Soldiers were fanning out into residential neighbourhoods by 3 November and one resident, reporting via an OSG correspondent in the USA, told of four Muslims being shot on returning from prayers, around the Tor Hayloch hospital and two others being shot dead in Beg Terra, near the Bulgarian Embassy. He said people were being attacked and wounded in ‘every corner of the city’. On 11 November (Amnesty International, AFR 25/019/2005) protests, involving mainly students and unemployed youngsters, were also reported to have occurred in the Amhara Region towns of Dessie, Debre Behan and Bahar Dar, and in the Sidama capital, Awassa, SNNPR. At least 4,000 were detained and held in harsh conditions in rural areas. Many of these had been detained previously, during the June protests. The police announced that 2,500 were released on 11 November. A member of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRC) wrote from Addis Ababa on 8 November, via the EHRC support committee in Geneva, that about 18,000 youths who were arrested in Addis Ababa, were being held in Didhessa, Wallega, where many thousands of Oromo have been held intermittently since 1992 – with inadequate shelter in a malaria-infested river valley. Some detainees had died in transport from the capital. Despite their reporters having to remain hidden in Addis Ababa, EHRC reported that heavily armed soldiers, not Federal Police, were patrolling the otherwise deserted streets. According to News 24, reporting on 23 December, the Federal Police said that 14,000 had been arrested during the November disturbances in Addis Ababa. CUD leaders, MPs and members were systematically arrested from their homes and journalists were detained. The parliamentary immunity of 109 MPs for the CUD was cancelled because they had boycotted parliament. The Geneva-based World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) and Paris-based International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH) complained in an open letter to Ethopia’s PM Meles Zenawi, posted to their website on 5 January, that EHRC members Bezu Mekonen and Chanie Reta had been forced to present themselves to zonal police on 4 November after their wives had been taken into custody in their place. EHRC members’ homes were under surveillance and they were subject to fines and written threats of ‘final action’ being taken against them. Their relatives had been detained for questioning. This heavy-handed approach to human rights defenders and journalists was a repeat of the crackdown on Oromo Human Rights League and Oromo Relief Association members and officials and the closure of URJI newspaper and arrests of its staff in 1997 and 1998. Again reflecting the disinformation campaign accompanying the crackdown on Oromo in 1997/8, Radio Ethiopia announced on 10 November that 40 CUD members were carrying firearms and grenades when arrested in Dawa Chefa woreda in Amhara Region and S. Showa, Oromia Region, and on 13 November the station reported arms ‘for use in street violence’ were captured with 33 CUD supporters in E. Showa and Arsi, Oromia Region. Further CUD-related killings and detentions On 10 November, State Media announced the release of 1,779 detainees from prisons in Addis Ababa, 285 from Zewai and 353 from Didhessa. State Media (18 December) reported the transfer of over 2,600 detainees from Didhessa detention camp to Zewai prison and the closure of the camp. Voice of America (VOA) Radio News reported on 6 January that five of its staff members in Addis Ababa were among 131opposition, civil society and media leaders charged with capital offences on 21 December. All had been denied bail and the opportunity to make statements. The radion station reported that thousands remained detained without charge since early November. According to VOA (27 December), Tikusat newspaper and Ethiomedia (28 December) student protests began again on 21 December and over the following week affected Tikur Anbessa, Ayer Tena, Menen, Shimelis Habte, Menelik, Black Lion and Addis Ketema secondary and high schools, Entoto College, and Addis Ababa Technical College. Police attacked and removed unknown numbers of students – at least 20 from Addis Ababa Technical College, amid shots, burning vehicles and shop closures. CUD activist and young student, Miss Birtukan Feleq, was found murdered in Jimma, three days after disappearing, and she was buried on 24 December. Many students were injured when police attacked Abiot Kirs and Dejazmach schools in Addis Ababa on 29 December, according to VOA. Students were removed to unknown locations. Information Minister Berhan Hailu was reported to have said ‘there were minor problems in the capital’s schools’. Amnesty International (AFR 25/003/2006) reported that students in Addis Ababa schools had been ‘holding rallies and boycotting classes and exams in protest at the detention of CUD leaders and the contested election results’ since 2 January. Several hundred of the thousands detained in December in Amhara Region were believed to still be held incommunicado in undisclosed prisons, at risk of torture. The Ethiopian Review (3 January) reported protests by students in Menen, Tikur Anbessa, Ayer Tena, Addis Ketema and other Addis Ababa high schools on 2 January, with police beating students and threatening teachers to stop the protests or face withdrawal of their salary. The Reporter (4 January) added protests at Menelik, Medhianialem and Yekatit 12 secondary schools and Entoto, Bole and Addis Ketema high schools on 3rd, with reports of police entering school compounds and beating students. Twenty were detained from Menelik high school, including some teachers (Dagim Wenchif, 3 January). Several high school students at Menen and Addis Ketema were reported injured in clashes with police on 12 January (Ethiomedia 12 January) and day students at Teferi Mekonnen School were detained there while evening students were denied access. Addis Admas (14 January) reported that riot police broke into Menelik II secondary school and beat and arrested students on 13 January. Students at Menen school destroyed a bus on 12 January after a girl student had been beaten to death by police two weeks previously. Federal Police also beat and detained students at Kelem and Addis Ketema secondary schools on the same days. On 13 January, 656 prisoners remained in Zeway prison after 2,252 who were detained after the November protests in Addis Ababa were released, according to Radio Ethiopia. Amnesty International (AFR 25/003/2006) reported the killing of three and the detention of 42 people following police opening fire on an Epiphany procession of Ethiopian Orthodox Church members on 19 January in Addis Ababa. The police stopped the procession and started firing into the gathering of thousands of worshippers when calls were made for the release of CUD political prisoners. Two were killed and many wounded. Another Epiphany procession was fired upon the following day and over 20 were wounded. Ms Lealem Bogale died later from injuries sustained in this second attack. The 42 detainees were held incommunicado in secret locations. Human Rights Watch called for investigations into the deaths of four teenage students in Gonder on 6 February, according to Addis Admas (1 April). A Federal Policeman was arrested for killing Bereket Fantahun, Sintayehu Workineh, Abebe Wondimagnehu and Dawit Tesfaye, by shooting them in the head after ordering them to kneel by a riverside, but no proceedings against him had been published. Ethiopian Review
(8 March) reported that students in Dessie boycotted classes from 6
March at Kidame Gebeya, Memher Akalewold and Hote schools I protest at detention
of political prisoners and human rights violations. Parents came to their
assistance in clashes with police with lasted three days, according to VOA
(9 March). Severe beatings, gunshots and ambulances removing injured girl
students were reported. |
|
Oromo student demonstrations, killings and arrestsOromo students began co-ordinated protests against the government on 9 November 2005 across Oromia Region. The students demanded respect for human rights, the rule of law, release of political prisoners, reinstatement of the Macha-Tulama Association and Oromo Relief Association and self-determination for Oromo people. They loudly proclaimed their support for the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and distributed leaflets. After the killing of some demonstrators and detainees, many protestors shaved their heads as a sign of mourning. Amnesty International issued an Urgent Action appeal on 30 January (AFR 25/002/2006) naming Oromia Region students Shumi Dandana, Dawit Urga, Ahmed Musa, Adam Uma, Sada Ibrahim (female), Ulufa Bilo, Adem Jildo, Gemechu Bona, Musa Buta and Addis Ababa University students Berhanu Gemechu and Matewos Teferra among ‘thousands of other Oromo students’ who were detained without charge and at risk of torture. The reports states: ‘The 11 students named
above are among several thousand school and college students from the Oromo
ethnic group who have been detained in a series of anti-government
demonstrations in different parts of the Oromia Region, in the capital,
Addis Ababa, and in other towns. All those named above are detained
incommunicado at a number of different locations, and are at risk of torture
or ill-treatment. Summary Executions and shooting of detainees at Kaliti prison Radio Ethiopia reported 7 detainees were killed and 23 injured in an escape attempt from Kaliti Prison, Akaki, 20 km south of Addis Ababa, on 3 November. Reports from local informants via OSG researchers in Norway and Germany and reports from the OLF all stated that detainees had been shot in cold blood in their cells. Government claims that the detainees were shot while trying to escape cannot be true, as is illustrated by the killing of Alemayehu Garba. In all, nineteen were killed. Alemayehu Garba was detained in October 2003 following the demonstrations against the removal of the Oromia Region capital to Adama. He was initially taken to Maikelawi CID (OSG Press Release 40, July 2004, p.11) were he was tortured. He was transferred to Kaliti prison in Akaki, possible via Karchale central prison in Addis Ababa. He was a very bright and ebulliant Addis Ababa University student, despite being disabled and needing to use crutches when walking. He was otherwise healthy when initially detained (see photograph). However, it is obvious from later photographs, taken after he was shot, that he was severely malnourished following more than two and a half years detention. He was thus incapable of attempting to escape. Alemayehu did not die instantly. He was taken to hospital in Addis Ababa, and died in the Police Hospital on 9 December.
 Alemayehu
Garba before his detention in
October 2003
 Alemayehu
Garba’s body showing emaciation from malnutrition in detention and wasting
of his paralysed right leg; incompatible with any escape attempt.
Careful research by an OSG member in Germany (himself a victim of torture by the current regime) enabled him to compile a list of those shot dead and those injured, like Alemayehu Garba, by shooting in Kaliti prison on 3 November. The information was sent to OSG on 19 March 2006. Shot dead in detention in Kaliti prison, 3 November 2005:Abdunab Anteneh Apilo Dereje Mamo Efrem Geletu Gemechu Geda Getu Hailu Haile-Mariam Ambaye Indalew Iwunetu Indargachew Worku Kebede Tolcha Kitaw Worku Mesfin Ayele Sintayehu Kebede Tadese Feyisa Tamiru Haile-Mariam Tewodros Giday Tigistu Wegayehu Zerihun Shot and wounded at Kaliti prison on 3 November 2005:Ashenafi Biru – wounded right hand, no treatment given Addis Kidane Awal Damtew Dawit Ababa Eliyas Bedargew Ibrahim Ajam – wounded right eye Ibrahim Adam Ibsa Asfawu Idris Awal – wounded right hip bone Isayas Kibron Lamessa Tasissa – wounded right hand Marsa Diro Masawal Mastu Salah Michael Minas Tadesse Mosissa Dadhi – wounded right hip bone Nabiyat Wondimu Seifu Worku Tariku Teka Tsegaye Sahilu Yalew Bedargeligne Yibeltal Tizita Zakariyas Tariku – wounded chest and arm Zerihun Tesfaye
 Morkata Idosa also died in Kaliti prison at the beginning of November 2005, reportedly from excessive bleeding following torture during prolonged detention, according to an OLF in a press release on 14 December and according to Oromo refugees reporting from Kenya on 28 March 2006.
Killings at demonstrationsFive students were reportedly shot dead during protests at Ambo on 9 November, including 11th Grade students Jagama Badhane and Kabada Badhassa (the latter from Tikur Incini) and a young female student. Jagama was shot at the gate of Ambo secondary school and police killed at least two more when shooting in reponse to protests at Jagama’s death (Reporter, 13 November). The Sunday Times (10 November) reported 17 were wounded. The funeral of Jagama was attended by 50,000 according to the Reporter. The paper reported demonstrations, school closures and loss of lives in Ambo, Wallega, Adama (Nazareth), Woliso, Guder, Gedo and Alemaya. Local informants reported via Norway on 10 November that residents joined students in street protests in Ciro, Galamso, Badesa, Awaday, Haro Maya (Alemaya), Dire Dawa, Gimbi, Bako, Warra Jarso and Innango (across Oromia Region). About 100 were rounded up by police in Ciro and details of two of the killings in Ambo (named above) were confirmed. Civilians in Mojo prevented police taking others to prison. Reports, again via Norway, on 14 November were received of detentions in Arsi of the following farmers and students from their homes in Qorsu Toli the previous day – Nagara Foggi, Mohammed Macca, Anwar Shee Sharif, Mohammed Amin Shee Isaa, Hafizi Haji Ahmed (student), Dalili Aba Jabal Aba Dura (student) and Mr Ibrahim. Also from Arsi, detained incommunicado since 11 November from Qarsa Balto were students Mohammed Abba Maca, Ibrahim Sheshifa, Jalil Aba Jabal, Aba Naga Aba Jabal, Mohammed Amin, Haafis Haji Ahmed and Anwar Shesharif.
Malaku Tafara Fayissa Dabala Oliqa Guta Two students, Malaku Tafara Fayissa and Dabala Oliqa Guta, were killed and several were arrested during protests in Innango, Wallega, on 15 November. The OLF announced on 17 November that 5000 Oromo students at universities in Gonder, Bahar Dar amd Mekele were beginning hunger strike in protest, against killings of Oromo students and the harassment of Gonder students under the pretext of investigating the burning of houses there. On 16 November, four students were killed when peaceful protestors were fired upon in Qore, Arsi. Local residents reacted with more protests and another six were shot dead, according to the OLF on 18 November. In response, students in Kofale, Arsi, staged large demonstrations on 17 November and in Negele and Kuraya, Arsi, on 18 November. Protests in Hirna, Hararge, continued for that week, with nine more students and other residents, including a mentally disabled person, being added to those in the detention camp there on 18 November, including Amme Shankor, Bashir Mohassen, Hussein Amme Mohammed (and all his family), Abrahim Aliyi, Ahmed Abrahim, Abdi Mohammed, Mohammed Hassen and Mohammed Khalif. Many were reportedly severely beaten in Hirna camp and one was said to have life-threatening injuries. Farmers around Hirna refused to attend a government meeting and students and residents of Ciro blocked roads to the town on 18 November in protest. The OLF reported that protests were continuing in Ambo, Jimma, Bishoftu, Robe, Nekemte and Gimbi. Reports relayed from Norway on 8 December included the detention of 130 from Ambo who were held incommunicado in remote centres after demonstrating against the killing of three high school students (see above). In addition to those listed further below, the detained students include: Takala Darasa Binyam Baqala Tarafa Tolera Dhuguma Tadala Tasfaye Badada Baqala Umma Abara Hirpha Moti Motuma Five explosions occurred in Ambo on 5 December, believed to be government instigated in order to justify further detentions. On 20 November, Oromia Region president, Minase Wolde Giorgis, arrived in Sakina, Darolabu, Hararge, but left immediately when faced with thousands of demonstrators. One, Dita Ahmed Mume, was shot and wounded. On 24 November, Shambu residents closed the road to Bako. On 22nd, the main road from Addis Ababa to W. Oromia was blocked at Asgori by demonstrators for several hours. Police attacked and arrested 24 peacefully demonstrating students at Jimma Teachers College on 25 November including:
Amanuu Wayyoo Olqaba Ibsaa Badhaatu Ayyaanaa Biranu Tulluu Mohammad Suleman Amanu Abdullahii Kasahun Getacho Suleman Misganaa Xayibaa Abbu Hasha Raayaa Fasiya Reebaa Yashii Alamuu Chuchu Mokonon Abdulshakur Mohaa Umar Abduu Abaa Joobir Tananyee Qananiisaa Sisay Abarra Two were reported to be seriously injured.In Bale zone, residents blocked the main highway at Robe with boulders on 21 November. Students at the Teachers College were besieged and two, Jamal Guye and Tasfaye Jamal, were arrested. A young boy was shot in Gindhir on 19 November and the nearby town of Dallo Sabro was reported under siege following protests. School closures around Kofale and large numbers of arrests, with detainees being tortured and crammed into small cells, were reported. On 29 November, two students, Habtamu Bayata Biqila and Fekadu, were shot dead while peacefully protesting in Jaldu, W. Showa, according to information collected within Oromia and local sources reporting via Norway. Others were critically injured including Nuressa Katama Xaafa. Schools were closed in Jaldu and in nearby Gedo and Harartu, following similar protests. On 3 December, Oromia Region president, Minase Wolde Giorgis, aborted a meeting with Addis Ababa University students because of their protests against him and the government. The Reporter (11 December) wrote that classes at Jimma university had stopped since 7 December because of clashes between Oromo and Tigrean students, leading to several arrests. Twelve high school students were injured in clashes with police in Mendi, Wallega, on 8 December. Students in Zewai demonstrated on 12 December and according to Seife Nebelbal (16 December) five disappeared and two were injure |
